Sihasak's posturing, bullying rhetoric and arrogance more than anything else perfectly encapsulate the Gang of Three - i.e. Palace, Government, Army or Four if one includes their media mouthpieces and Thailand's cyber army of trolls online! - and their dealings vis a vis Cambodia since their initiated attacks last year.
Envisage a situation where a man violently raped a girl next door (his neighbour's wife or daughter) at her most vulnerable moment. After the deed he held a knife at her, threatening to kill her and her family members and take more of her properties such as house, lands etc. unless she kept her silence about her ordeal. He also added for good effect that it was moreover in her interest and honour as a girl/woman to keep it between him and her!
Well, that is exactly what this Gang of Three are treating Cambodia at this moment. That’s what the term ‘bilateral’ really means to the Thais and in reality even though they have just unilaterally torn up the MOU with Cambodia which was the only practical bilateral framework or mechanism on offer for resolving overlapping maritime boundary claims!
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After the Thai Cabinet terminated the 2001 Memorandum of Understanding (MoU 44), Cambodia began shifting the maritime dispute from a stalled bilateral framework into the more structured arena of international maritime law by announcing its move toward UNCLOS compulsory conciliation.
During a trilateral sideline meeting facilitated by Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and attended by Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet and Thai Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul, Thailand reportedly acknowledged Cambodia’s position to pursue compulsory conciliation under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) regarding overlapping maritime claims, according to a high-ranking official.
However, on 11 May 2026, Thai Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow rejected Cambodian media reports claiming that Thailand had already agreed to UNCLOS compulsory conciliation. The response also appeared intended to counter Cambodian media narratives, such as Fresh News and Khmer Times, etc.
Beyond Cambodian media, Khaosod English also reported on 6 May that Prime Minister Anutin confirmed a move toward a common legal framework after Cambodian leader Hun Manet announced plans to use compulsory conciliation.
Notably, Foreign Minister Sihasak used very careful wording. He did not state in absolute terms that Thailand would never enter UNCLOS compulsory conciliation with Cambodia. Instead, he attempted to reposition Thailand as the actor controlling the diplomatic process by emphasizing that “the process must begin with sincere bilateral talks.”

Opinion by Anonymous
Khmer people should stop crying and complaining about Hun Sen. They have to fight for social justice. The first step is fighting for free and fair elections by peacefully marching in 2027 to demand that the government free all political prisoners, reform the National Election Committee (NEC), and reinstate the CNRP. If Khmer people are afraid to do this peaceful demonstration, they must stop crying and continuing to live under this ignorant Hun Sen's foot.
Khmer people must select a JUST CAUSE and THE RIGHT TIME to fight.
How to transfer the power peacefully and successfully in Cambodia?
Hun Sen was installed by Vietnam to execute the Vietnamization of Cambodia policy. Hun Sen never hesitated to do whatever was necessary to please his master Vietnam and maintain his grip on power.
Many Khmer people have lamented that we cannot win through a general election. This has been true when we have allowed Hun Sen to do whatever he wanted.
For example, in 2017, we allowed Hun Sen to dissolve the CNRP without facing any consequences
To overcome this major obstacle, we must pick a just cause and the right time to fight for.
Notice that the commune election will be held in 2027 and the general election in 2028.
We should take the following steps to achieve our goal.
In early 2027, the Khmer people should stage a peaceful demonstration to demand the release of all political prisoners, NEC reforms, and the reinstatement of the CNRP.
Opinion | Cambodia Insights
Guest Writer: Panhavuth LONG, Lawyer, PAN & Associates Law Firm
4:06 PM, May 12, 2026
PHNOM PENH, Cambodia (CI) – In the chess game of regional geopolitics, nothing happens by chance. The return of Thaksin Shinawatra and the exploitation of the "brotherhood" bond, occurring exactly when the Bangkok government faces internal economic pressures and mounting tensions over the 2001 Memorandum of Understanding (MOU44), is not merely a matter of sentiment. It is a sharp, calculated strategy that demands Cambodia to analyze the situation with pragmatism, independence, and an absolute readiness in the realm of international law. Although the "diving game" metaphor suggests that Cambodia currently holds the upper hand and a longer breath than its counterpart, we must not forget a fundamental law of politics: "A cornered beast always reacts most dangerously."
1. The "Friendship" Card and the Danger of a Cornered State
When a country faces a severe economic crisis and urgently needs energy resources from the Overlapping Claims Area (OCA), it may resort to any strategy necessary. Using personal relationships and calling for peaceful negotiations is merely the initial "soft power" maneuver. If this persuasion fails to sway the firm stance of Cambodia’s leadership, the other side is likely to shift its strategy toward economic pressure, border provocations, or unilateral legal interpretations.
2. Brotherhood Bond vs. National Ideals: Cambodia Puts Sovereignty First
In the realm of politics and diplomacy, personal sentiments or a "brotherhood bond" can only serve as a lubricant to ease the atmosphere of communication; they can never replace or stand above national ideals. Any attempt to leverage private affection as a tool for psychological coercion in determining a nation's destiny is a gross underestimation of the other state's will and sovereignty. For Cambodia, the choice is clear and irreversible: regardless of how valuable a personal friendship may be, Cambodia will always choose to stand firmly on the principle of defending its sovereignty and territorial integrity first and foremost. National interests, legal authority, and the survival of a sovereign state are not commodities to be traded at the negotiation table under the pressure of the word "brotherhood."
PHNOM PENH, May 13, 2026 — Cambodia’s Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts has strongly protested Thailand’s decision to register several ancient temple sites along the disputed border in Thailand’s national register of monuments, calling the move illegal and a violation of Cambodian sovereignty.
In a statement issued on Wednesday, the ministry rejected Thailand’s registration of the Tamone Temple Complex, Ta Krabey Temple, K’Nar Temple and other archaeological sites that Cambodia says are situated within its sovereign territory.
The ministry said the unilateral action was “illegal, null, and without legal effect,” adding that such registration could not serve as evidence of territorial sovereignty or border delimitation.
Cambodia stressed that border demarcation issues between the two countries must be resolved in accordance with international law, including the 1907 Franco-Siamese Treaty and existing bilateral mechanisms such as the 2000 Memorandum of Understanding, the 2003 Terms of Reference and the Joint Boundary Commission process.
The ministry described Thailand’s registration effort as an unlawful attempt to create “an artificial legal appearance” over cultural sites located in Cambodian territory.
“This action constitutes a violation of Cambodia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and undermines the spirit of peaceful dialogue and mutual respect between the two countries,” the statement said.
The Cambodian government called on Thailand to immediately withdraw the registration and refrain from further unilateral actions that could undermine efforts toward a peaceful settlement of border issues.
Cambodia also reaffirmed its commitment to resolving all outstanding disputes peacefully and in full respect of international law and bilateral mechanisms.
The statement comes amid heightened diplomatic tensions between Cambodia and Thailand over border and maritime disputes in recent weeks.

KAMPOT, May 10, 2026 — A rare family of Indo-Pacific humpback dolphins has been spotted in protected coastal waters in Cambodia’s Kampot province, in what conservationists say is another positive sign of improving marine biodiversity.
Drone footage captured the dolphins swimming together in the waters of the Prek Tnaot fishing community, showing two adult dolphins gently touching snouts while a juvenile circled nearby, according to local conservation officials.
Researchers identified the animals as Indo-Pacific humpback dolphin, a species considered vulnerable in many parts of Asia due to habitat loss, pollution and fishing activity.
Officials said the sighting reflected the strong social bonds and peaceful behaviour of the dolphins within a protected marine conservation area.
Cambodia’s Fisheries Administration, under the Ministry of Agriculture, has been working with Marine Conservation Cambodia and local authorities to strengthen marine conservation efforts along the country’s coastline.
As part of the programme, authorities have deployed artificial reef structures made from stone blocks across several conservation zones to create habitats for marine biodiversity.
Conservation officials said the artificial reef initiative, launched in 2023, has contributed to increasing fish stocks and marine species populations while supporting sustainable fisheries for local communities.
Marine researchers have in recent months also reported growing numbers of vulnerable marine species, including seahorses, in Cambodia’s coastal waters, which they say indicates improving ecosystem stability in protected areas.

How this obnoxious person currently becomes the national icon of Thailand and its attacks against Cambodia is beyond me. His actions in the course of the border conflict reveal the ugliest, most reprehensible face of Thai ultra-nationalism, not least the use of raw sewage (or the intent to do so) and the playing on loud speakers of high pitch sounds directed at Khmer villagers including the elderly, pregnant women and minors. I would say that your ability to communicate directly to Thai audience in their language is one of your greatest weapons in this war through defence of truth.
I would encourage you and others as well as the Cambodian government to also target the ethnic Khmers or Khmer-speaking population in Thailand by relaying online messages to them directly. The Cambodian government should set up a specialist unit whose mission is dedicated to enlisting and galvanising the hearts and minds of these Khmer brothers and sisters in Thailand. If the Thais have managed to win them over to their side despite not sharing the same bloodline or ancestry then the possibility to win them over to the side of their actual mother land and brothers and sisters should be a much more realisable aim. Winning them over to Cambodia's side would represent half the battle won.
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All these Western embassies in Phnom Penh must be fully aware of what is happening and yet are apparently turning the other way for some reasons? Even countries within ASEAN are effectively in hiding. The likes of Singapore were once most vociferous in protesting Vietnam's invasion and occupation of Cambodia but today where are they?
This is about more than the leadership of Cambodia or whether this leadership is palatable to the world community or not; more than whether Thailand is occupying a few hectares of Cambodian territory or several km squares. It's about a most basic, fundamental principle governing a peaceful, civilised world being grossly violated in broad daylight. This is an unashamed reversion to feudal times when Siam was terrorising Cambodia and other weaker nations at will and without punitive repercussions.
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On April 22, Cambodia's Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn (2nd R) and Defence Minister Tea Seiha (R), together with China's Foreign Minister Wang Yi (2nd L) and China's Defence Minister Dong Jun (L), co-chaired the First Meeting of the “2+2” Strategic Dialogue between the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Ministers of National Defence of Cambodia and China, in Phnom Penh. Photo: MFA
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and Defense Minister Dong Jun visited Cambodia for the first "2+2" strategic dialogue, meeting top leaders including Acting Head of State Hun Sen, Prime Minister Hun Manet, Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn and Defense Minister Tea Seiha.
On April 22, China and Cambodia inaugurated their first "2+2" Strategic Dialogue in Phnom Penh. The meeting involved foreign and defense ministers and aimed to deepen political and security ties and bilateral cooperation.
There are reports that this framework may expand to a "3+3" structure, adding interior ministers from both countries. This would signify deeper, more institutionalized cooperation between China and Cambodia.
Through this new diplomatic initiative, China is demonstrating an intention to expand its engagement with Cambodia beyond economic issues, shifting toward a partnership also focused on political and security collaboration.
FM Wang Yi told reporters that China is willing to develop the mechanism into a “strategic platform” for enhancing political and defense security cooperation.
He described the 2+2 strategic engagement with Cambodia as a key instrument for cementing mutual assistance and solidarity and advancing the construction of a China-Cambodia “community with a shared future”.

Phnom Penh – Scams do not only occur in Cambodia; this is not a localized issue but rather a regional problem affecting multiple Southeast Asian nations. Nevertheless, Thai social media has adopted a favourite pastime: deriding Cambodia with the hashtag #Scambodia. The epithet circulates widely, prompting indignation from Cambodian media. However, while Thai netizens engage in mockery, the Chinese government has quietly issued a high-level alert regarding scam risks—not in Phnom Penh, but in Bangkok.
During Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi's recent visit to the Thai capital, the Chinese embassy released an unusually sharp advisory. It stated that "many Chinese nationals were recently lured to areas along the Thai-Myanmar border to take part in criminal activities." Travelers were urged to exercise vigilance. Notably, the alert was issued in Thailand's capital, not Cambodia's.

BANGKOK, April 28, 2026 — Thailand’s foreign minister said the United States had offered no meaningful assistance to help the country cope with the economic fallout from the war involving Iran, despite Bangkok being a longstanding U.S. treaty ally.
Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow said Thailand had been affected by disruptions to fuel and fertilizer supplies linked to the conflict, creating added pressure on the economy.
According to the minister, Washington’s main response had been to offer sales of U.S. oil rather than broader support measures.
The remarks highlight growing frustration in Bangkok as Thailand seeks alternative partners to cushion the impact of global instability.
Thai officials said the country had turned to Russia for crude oil and fertilizer supplies, while also seeking China’s support over shipping concerns linked to the Strait of Hormuz, a key global energy route.
Sihasak also reportedly questioned the reliability of U.S. policy, contrasting it with what he described as China’s steadier engagement in the region.
Thailand is a major non-NATO ally of the United States, but like several Southeast Asian nations has increasingly pursued a balanced foreign policy while deepening economic ties with China.
The comments come as governments across Asia face rising energy costs, supply chain disruptions and inflationary pressures linked to wider geopolitical tensions.
The Washington Post
Geopolitics Commentary | Cambodia Insights
12:42 PM, April 26, 2026
PHNOM PENH, Cambodia (CI) – In geopolitical conflict, the state that dictates the arena often dictates the outcome. For years, Thailand has managed to confine tensions along its border with Cambodia to a localized, physical domain—where tactical advantages can be asserted incrementally—while simultaneously relying on bilateral diplomatic mechanisms to limit broader international scrutiny. The events of April 18 suggest that this dynamic is no longer sustainable for Phnom Penh.
According to Cambodian authorities, Thai military units undertook a series of unilateral activities across sensitive frontier areas. These reportedly included land-clearing operations in parts of Pursat province, renewed construction near Boundary Pillar No. 2 in Oddar Meanchey, bunker excavation at the Chup Koki checkpoint, and the establishment of an observation post in proximity to the Preah Vihear Temple, an area of long-standing historical and legal sensitivity. Cambodia has formally protested these actions, arguing that they violate the spirit, and potentially the provisions, of the 2000 and 2001 Memorandums of Understanding governing border conduct and demarcation. From Phnom Penh’s perspective, these developments are not isolated incidents, but part of a broader and increasingly discernible pattern. To respond effectively, Cambodia must first understand the strategic logic behind this pattern.
Thailand’s approach, as interpreted by some analysts in Phnom Penh, appears to operate through a dual-track dynamic, one that combines physical activity on the ground with procedural management through diplomatic channels. The first track involves incremental changes to the status quo in contested or sensitive areas. Through construction, land modification, and limited deployments, facts are established on the ground in ways that may later shape negotiations. These actions are often framed as defensive or administrative in nature, though such characterizations are disputed by Cambodian officials when activities occur in areas governed by existing bilateral understandings.
The second track unfolds in parallel through formal diplomatic engagement. Mechanisms such as the Joint Boundary Commission and the Special General Border Committee, most recently convened on December 27, 2025, serve as platforms for dialogue, reaffirmation of commitments, and the management of tensions. Individually, each track can be understood within the normal functioning of border management between neighboring states. Taken together, however, and especially when physical developments closely follow diplomatic reassurances, they raise important questions about sequencing, intent, and effectiveness.
Prevention is always better than cure. It's much easier to train and nurture relevant talents and turn them into technicians or competent innovators for national defence and civilian needs or projects but the most decisive factor rests firmly with responsible leadership, political will and preparation or forward planning and vision.
The DNA that once built thousands of stone monuments like Angkor Wat is still there in the Khmer people and is just waiting to be unlocked.
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Foreigners including people working for international and regional media outlets such as WSJ and the 'The Diplomat' or those contributing pieces to them rarely have in-depth knowledge or lack the professionalism and integrity expected of them when reporting on these countries like Cambodia and Thailand. Vietnam for example - according ‘Reporters Without Borders’ - employs about 10,000 "opinion-shapers" online to attack, harass, distort information and gain entries into websites such as Wikipedia. Some of these individuals are operating as "free lancers" and likely paid to write such misleading reports on regional issues and a country like Cambodia.
In recent years and long before the outbreak of the Cambodia Thailand border conflict Thailand appear also to have such people working on its payroll, doing much the same malicious work harassing and labelling anyone whose views and comments fail to align with their given agendas of defending Thai military and government representatives from a British ambassador to Cambodia posting an image of "Khmer Cakes" on his social media account to ordinary Cambodian citizens posting images of their country's traditional dress.
Such attacks have often been personal enough to have forced their victims - such as the ambassador mentioned above - to remove his post shortly afterward! Meanwhile, Thailand's government delegations accuse Cambodia of waging a campaign of 'disinformation' over the on-going territorial dispute, including its FM and another Ministry official who travelled to Sweden to negotiate the purchase of Gripen fighter jets during the recent conflict. Sure enough some of these jets that Thailand have purchased for ostensibly "defensive" purposes had been deployed to terrorise Cambodian population and bomb historical cultural sites as well as civilian infrastructures such as bridges and administrative centres deep inside Cambodia territory of late.
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Thailand is replicating war crimes committed in the ME by their friend and ally Israel in SEA against innocent Cambodian civilians. Who displaced these people from their homes and villages in the first place, Thailand or Cambodia? Thailand's long range artillery barrage and rockets threaten communities well away from the immediate border regions, not to mention F-16 raids deep inside Cambodian territory.
It's ok to blame the Cambodian authorities for mismanagement of the war refugee crisis but Thailand's disregard for international and humanitarian laws does not help and remains the conflict's most defining contributing factor.
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The article should instead be titled: ‘Sick man of SEA playing stalling tactics on his favoured platform of ‘bilateral talks’ without real talks.’ Anutin and his bosses in the army or palace have got what they want by attacking a neighbouring country so to then surrender their ill-gotten gains so soon thereafter would make them look like complete fools.
Bangkok’s moral decay, duplicity and reputation on the international stage is about as notorious and sleazy as that of Pattaya.
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Geopolitics Commentary | Cambodia Insights
05:17 PM, April 15, 2026
PHNOM
PENH, Cambodia (CI) – On April 11, the Thai government, through its
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, flatly rejected Cambodia’s diplomatic push
to expedite a Joint Border Commission (JBC) meeting. This dismissal came
merely days after Cambodia’s State Secretariat of Border Affairs
dispatched a renewed diplomatic note on April 7, urgently requesting a
special JBC session and the immediate deployment of a joint technical
team to conduct empirical, on-the-ground measurements. Bangkok’s
official rationale for this April 11 rejection, citing the recent
transition to a new administration and the bureaucratic necessity of
restructuring the Thai JBC delegation, offers a remarkably thin veil for
its diplomatic inertia. While administrative transitions are a reality
of governance, they cannot be perpetually invoked to suspend binding
bilateral obligations. Using cabinet reshuffles and internal committee
changes as a pretext to avoid empirical border measurements only
reinforces the perception that Thailand is deploying bureaucratic red
tape as a shield against legal accountability.
At
the heart of this stalling tactic is a fundamental fear of empirical
truth. The delimitation of the Cambodian-Thai border is not a mystery;
it is anchored firmly in established international jurisprudence, most
notably the Annex I map of the 1904 and 1907 Franco-Siamese Treaties,
which were resoundingly validated by the International Court of Justice
(ICJ) in 1962 and reaffirmed in 2013. By refusing to send a joint
measurement team to the physical border, Bangkok is deliberately
suppressing the very mechanism that would expose its territorial
encroachments. A joint, transparent measurement based on legally binding
maps would strip away the ambiguity Thailand relies upon, transforming
their presence from a "disputed claim" into an undeniable, documented
violation of Cambodian sovereignty.