

The first thing Cambodia will have to start doing is implementing internal reforms. This means first of all executing zero tolerance policy against corruption at all levels of national administration, including the military, finance and economy.
Increased national budget and a heathy economy devoid of corruption and nepotism will contribute massively to modernisation and related reforms required to support a strong national defence needs from aiding a disciplined standing army, navy, air force and arms of relevant size and proportions needed to equip them.
Vietnam and Singapore are the most obvious examples of these internal reform and modernisation. When a state is strong and clean internally it is much easier to attract economic investments and build diplomatic relations with other countries and this will in turn strengthen both its own national defence means and its voice or influence on the regional and global stage.
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The need to save and protect human lives by evacuating population away from potential flash points or border regions or by exploring all available peaceful legal mechanisms first is the right approach.
However, thinking that the other side will also willingly come to the negotiating table while they believe their more superior military muscle and de facto gains on the grounds remain unchallenged could be a grave mistake. Russia would not retreat or be willing to talk to Ukraine eventually unless the victimised party - Ukraine - is able to exert sufficient military pressure on Moscow to do so. The same scenario also applies in the Middle East. If the US and its Israeli ally could decisively defeat Iran through military force alone then there would be no room or necessity for 'talks' with Iran.
It's partly Cambodia's own neglect in building her own defence sufficiently to contain or neutralise potential foreign aggression in the first instance that encouraged Thailand's attack, and it is this perceived weakness of Cambodia to resist further military aggression or pressure by Thailand that still prevents Bangkok from resuming comprehensive GBC-JBC talks or recognising existing border treaties or boundaries as defined by the 1904 - 1907 Franco-Siam Treaties. What all this does show is that neither legality nor illegality - peaceful diplomacy/conventions vs. arbitrary military power - can be relied upon as repository or guarantor of lasting peace and of respect for each other's national territorial integrity.
Thus, the fundamental challenge for Phnom Penh (beside safeguarding lives) is how to bring enough pressure on Bangkok in order to coerce it to relinquish all Cambodian territory currently under Thai armed occupation and to make it think twice and hard before considering further future attack against its neighbour.
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Most Thais are proud to boast that they have never been 'colonised' by European powers. Yet at the same time they also feel humiliated by colonial France who coerced Thailand into returning Western Cambodian provinces annexed by Thailand/Siam prior to the arrival of the French to Cambodia or French Indochina. In fact Thailand was not the only neighbour of Cambodia to have annexed parts of Cambodia during that period. Vietnam and Laos had also seized large chunks of Cambodian territory.
When France was defeated in Europe by Nazi Germany Japan replaced France as colonial power in SE Asia and Thailand offered to play the role of an accomplice, in exchange of having Japan's patronage over the return of those "lost territories" to Cambodia/France back to Thailand.
If one follows Thai ultra nationalist line of logic to its conclusion therefore the longer term ambition of these ultra nationalists is not limited to Cambodia's hinterland in the border areas but also ultimately this is extended to all those provinces, including Battambang and Siem Reap, Thailand feels were "lost" to Cambodia following Japan's defeat in 1945.
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In 2025, archaeologists at Cambodia’s Angkor temple complex uncovered the torso of a sandstone Buddha statue dating to the 12th–13th century. The discovery proved especially remarkable because the torso perfectly matched a head found at the same site in 1927 and preserved in Cambodia’s National Museum for nearly 100 years. Using modern technology, researchers confirmed that the two pieces once formed a single statue, allowing one of the finest surviving examples of Khmer art to be reunited after almost a century apart.

BANGKOK, June 5, 2026 — Prominent Thai security and geopolitical analyst Surachart Bamrungsuk has warned that Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul’s recent position on the Cambodia-Thailand border dispute could place Thailand at risk of repeating past legal setbacks before international courts.
In an article titled “Cambodia’s Trap! Is Anutin Leading Thailand Toward Another Defeat at the International Court?”, published on June 1, Surachart cautioned that Thailand should be careful not to undermine legal principles that have previously shaped rulings against Bangkok in territorial disputes.
The warning followed remarks made by Anutin on May 27, when the Thai prime minister stated that Thailand would only recognize the 1:50,000-scale map in border discussions and that if Cambodia continued to rely on the 1:200,000-scale map, there would be no need for further talks.
According to Surachart, the statement immediately raised concerns among Thai academics and policy analysts, who warned that such a position could expose Thailand to legal vulnerabilities under international law.
He argued that previous rulings by the International Court of Justice (ICJ), particularly in the Preah Vihear Temple case, were not determined solely by map scales but by broader legal principles, including treaty obligations, state conduct and historical acceptance of boundary documents.
In hindsight colonial France should have demanded more than those returned three Khmer provinces to Cambodia. This episode only serves to remind all Khmers and their ruling administration alike that making land concessions to the Thais "in exchange for peace" only invites further Thai encroachments and no guarantee of lasting peace.
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Anutin Charnvirakul told Thai media on 27 May, on the sidelines of a trade exhibition at Impact Muang Thong Thani, that the 1:200,000-scale Franco-Siamese map Cambodia cites for its border claims no longer counts for his government, and that any party meaning to rely on that scale need not come to the table at all. He told The Nation the older scale “no longer exists” for Thailand, while allowing that his government would accept transparent technical verification of the line.
The scale Anutin set aside is not the term on which the governing instruments turn. The Memorandum of Understanding the two governments signed on 14 June 2000, and which Thailand registered with the United Nations in 2011, commits them in its first article to survey and demarcate the land boundary in accordance with the 1904 Franco-Siamese Convention, the 1907 Treaty and its annexed delimitation Protocol, and the maps that resulted from the Commissions of Delimitation. The article lists those documents and fixes no scale. That framework is still running: under its Joint Boundary Commission the two sides have located most of the 73 colonial-era markers, leaving the contested segments where the present argument sits.




Reform, develop and modernise. Without reforms there cannot be development and modernisation as institutional corruption siphons off state resources from national spheres including defence into private pockets and corrupt, incompetent officials mismanage public affairs, including military officials appointed through bribes or nepotism rather than actual experience and knowledge earned through battles.
Take a former KR military commander named Y Chean who had had his military training in China and shown his credentials during his defence of the pivotal KR stronghold of Pailin which none of Hun Sen's men had been able to breach after several attempts. He was subsequently transferred to the Ministry of Interior where he probably still remains as Hun Sen more than likely perceives him as a threat.
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There's a reason why the Thais are shy of peaceful resolutions through internationally recognised binding treaties and legal procedures. Wasn't Piromya himself serving as Thailand's FM under Vijjajiva between 2008 and 2011 when Thailand also attacked Cambodia? New faces, same treacheries? They would rather cower themselves under the cloak of diplomacy - even via third parties like China or Bangladesh - when under attack from Iran or Myanmar... than deploying their mighty F-16s.
Cloak and dagger tactic?
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Sihasak's posturing, bullying rhetoric and arrogance more than anything else perfectly encapsulate the Gang of Three - i.e. Palace, Government, Army or Four if one includes their media mouthpieces and Thailand's cyber army of trolls online! - and their dealings vis a vis Cambodia since their initiated attacks last year.
Envisage a situation where a man violently raped a girl next door (his neighbour's wife or daughter) at her most vulnerable moment. After the deed he held a knife at her, threatening to kill her and her family members and take more of her properties such as house, lands etc. unless she kept her silence about her ordeal. He also added for good effect that it was moreover in her interest and honour as a girl/woman to keep it between him and her!
Well, that is exactly what this Gang of Three are treating Cambodia at this moment. That’s what the term ‘bilateral’ really means to the Thais and in reality even though they have just unilaterally torn up the MOU with Cambodia which was the only practical bilateral framework or mechanism on offer for resolving overlapping maritime boundary claims!
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After the Thai Cabinet terminated the 2001 Memorandum of Understanding (MoU 44), Cambodia began shifting the maritime dispute from a stalled bilateral framework into the more structured arena of international maritime law by announcing its move toward UNCLOS compulsory conciliation.
During a trilateral sideline meeting facilitated by Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and attended by Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet and Thai Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul, Thailand reportedly acknowledged Cambodia’s position to pursue compulsory conciliation under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) regarding overlapping maritime claims, according to a high-ranking official.
However, on 11 May 2026, Thai Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow rejected Cambodian media reports claiming that Thailand had already agreed to UNCLOS compulsory conciliation. The response also appeared intended to counter Cambodian media narratives, such as Fresh News and Khmer Times, etc.
Beyond Cambodian media, Khaosod English also reported on 6 May that Prime Minister Anutin confirmed a move toward a common legal framework after Cambodian leader Hun Manet announced plans to use compulsory conciliation.
Notably, Foreign Minister Sihasak used very careful wording. He did not state in absolute terms that Thailand would never enter UNCLOS compulsory conciliation with Cambodia. Instead, he attempted to reposition Thailand as the actor controlling the diplomatic process by emphasizing that “the process must begin with sincere bilateral talks.”
