Russia's Defense Offer Comes With Costs Cambodia Cannot Ignore

PM Hun Manet shakes hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Kazan on the sidelines of the ASEAN forum. Photo by Presidential Office

    By: Sao Phal Niseiy
    June 29, 2026, 8:15 PM
    CamNess

A week after the Kazan Summit marked the 35th anniversary of Russia-ASEAN relations, Moscow has signaled its intent to deepen ties with Cambodia in a more strategic arena. Speaking at a recent press conference, Russian Ambassador Anatoly Borovik said Russia is ready to help strengthen Cambodia's defense sector.

The offer has drawn attention, not least because Russia remains one of the world's largest arms exporters. It also comes at a sensitive moment, with Thailand's occupation of Cambodian territory fueling public calls for stronger national defense. Against that backdrop, many Cambodians may be less concerned about who provides military assistance than whether it enhances the country's ability to safeguard its sovereignty.

Russia's proposal, however, is far from unprecedented. For decades, Moscow has expanded its influence across the developing world through arms sales and defense cooperation, including in Southeast Asia.

Before the war in Ukraine, Russia supplied everything from fighter jets and submarines to advanced air-defense systems, often at prices well below those of Western competitors. It also distinguished itself by offering flexible payment arrangements—including barter deals involving commodities such as palm oil and coffee—while attaching few political conditions to its military partnerships.

The war in Ukraine, however, has fundamentally altered that equation. Russia's defense industry now faces significant pressures, and its ability to export weapons has declined considerably. The impact is particularly visible in Southeast Asia.

Russia's share of new ASEAN defense contracts reportedly fell from nearly 20 percent during 2017-2021 to less than 3 percent between 2022 and 2024. The decline in purchases has also been attributed to the war in Ukraine, where the vulnerability of Russian military hardware has been exposed.

That is why Russia's renewed outreach should be viewed through a strategic lens. Securing new defense agreements would help Moscow generate revenue amid sanctions while demonstrating that it remains far from isolated on the international stage.

So far, there is no indication that Cambodia will immediately embrace the offer made by the Russian ambassador. However, given the need to strengthen national defense capabilities, policymakers may view such cooperation as an attractive option. That is precisely why the proposal deserves careful scrutiny.

Cambodia has maintained a remarkably consistent position on Russia's invasion of Ukraine, repeatedly supporting United Nations resolutions that affirm Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity. By doing so, it has earned respect among countries that value international law and a rules-based order. Its stance reflects a principled belief that all nations, regardless of size, should be governed by the same rules.

This position is particularly notable given Cambodia's long-standing friendship with Russia. While Phnom Penh has never forgotten the assistance provided by the former Soviet Union after the fall of the Khmer Rouge, gratitude for past support should not prevent it from making principled decisions based on present realities.

For small states such as Cambodia, respect for sovereignty and international law is not merely an ideal. It is a necessity. Without those protections, power becomes the dominant force in international relations, leaving smaller countries vulnerable to the interests of larger ones.

Strengthening national defense is a legitimate objective. Yet the source of that support carries political and strategic implications that cannot be ignored, especially at a time when Cambodia continues to reject the presence of Thai military forces on territory it considers its own.

Closer military ties with Russia would weaken Cambodia's claim to be a consistent defender of sovereignty and territorial integrity. Russian weapons may appear attractive at a time of growing tensions with Thailand. But expanding defense cooperation with Moscow would make it harder for Cambodia to argue that its foreign policy is grounded in respect for international law.

Money also complicates the picture. Russia is unlikely to provide military aid. Any defense cooperation would almost certainly come through commercial arms deals, reflecting the strain on Moscow's wartime economy. Buying Russian weapons would also funnel money into an arms industry that continues to supply Russia's war in Ukraine.

Cambodia still relies on Soviet-era and Russian-made equipment, and it will continue using those systems for years. But maintaining existing equipment is not the same as becoming more dependent on Russia. Cambodia can modernize its armed forces without deepening ties with a country whose invasion of Ukraine has left it increasingly isolated on the international stage.

In fact, Cambodia has already begun diversifying its military procurement, increasingly turning to alternatives from countries such as China. While Soviet-designed systems such as the BM-21 Grad will continue to play a role in its defense structure, any transition away from Russian equipment can be managed gradually.

As Cambodia works to improve relations with the United States and other democratic partners, it has little to gain from creating new diplomatic headaches. A new military partnership with Russia could make it harder to build closer ties with countries that have backed Cambodia's calls for respect for international law.

The choice, of course, belongs to the Cambodian government. But whatever the rationale, closer military ties with Russia would undermine the credibility Cambodia has earned by consistently defending sovereignty and territorial integrity.

As a small country, Cambodia cannot match the military strength of larger powers. Its greatest asset is the credibility of its position under international law. Protecting that credibility will do more for Cambodia's security than any arms deal that weakens it.

In the end, Cambodia's strongest defence is not another weapons supplier. It is the moral authority that comes from standing consistently for sovereignty and international law.