Chhay Lim
Interpreter
Walking the talk will be needed to prove to young Cambodians
that the relationship is about partnership rather than pure profit.
China’s long-term success in Cambodia hinges on building a more inclusive relationship that addresses the concerns of ordinary people (Sheldon Cooper/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images)
Published 1 Nov 2024
China has become Cambodia’s most influential partner in the past decade, driving development through massive investment, trade, and aid. Beijing’s landmark Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has dramatically reshaped Cambodia’s economic landscape. Yet, while Beijing’s elite-driven strategy has solidified ties with Cambodia’s leadership, has it resonated with ordinary Cambodians? This question becomes more pertinent when viewed through the lens of “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics”, which emphasises the Chinese Communist Party’s commitment to serving the people – a principle that ostensibly guides China’s foreign policy but may not always translate into grassroots engagement in recipient countries.
Despite the Cambodian government’s frequent praise of China’s development role, it is the people who bear the brunt of the side effects.
China’s calls for a “community of common destiny” with shared benefits seem to be lost in the implementation of China’s strategy in Cambodia. The assumption that economic ties automatically translate to goodwill is increasingly challenged by complex public perceptions. Chinese investments have undeniably transformed Cambodia, but concerns about transparency, environmental degradation, disparity and social issues, particularly the proliferation of online gambling, are widespread. These concerns have tarnished China’s image among many Cambodians, who question whether these grand projects genuinely align with their best interests – a direct challenge to China’s emphasis on people-centred development.
Published 1 Nov 2024
China has become Cambodia’s most influential partner in the past decade, driving development through massive investment, trade, and aid. Beijing’s landmark Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has dramatically reshaped Cambodia’s economic landscape. Yet, while Beijing’s elite-driven strategy has solidified ties with Cambodia’s leadership, has it resonated with ordinary Cambodians? This question becomes more pertinent when viewed through the lens of “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics”, which emphasises the Chinese Communist Party’s commitment to serving the people – a principle that ostensibly guides China’s foreign policy but may not always translate into grassroots engagement in recipient countries.
Despite the Cambodian government’s frequent praise of China’s development role, it is the people who bear the brunt of the side effects.
China’s calls for a “community of common destiny” with shared benefits seem to be lost in the implementation of China’s strategy in Cambodia. The assumption that economic ties automatically translate to goodwill is increasingly challenged by complex public perceptions. Chinese investments have undeniably transformed Cambodia, but concerns about transparency, environmental degradation, disparity and social issues, particularly the proliferation of online gambling, are widespread. These concerns have tarnished China’s image among many Cambodians, who question whether these grand projects genuinely align with their best interests – a direct challenge to China’s emphasis on people-centred development.
A recent survey across the capital city Phnom Penh and 11 provinces in Cambodia revealed a multifaceted and sometimes ambivalent relationship. While 66% of respondents acknowledged both positive and negative aspects of China’s influence, a striking 75% cited crime and security problems as primary reasons for their unfavourable perception of China’s presence. These concerns are amplified by a perceived lack of transparency in project execution and a lack of meaningful engagement with local communities – a stark contrast to China’s emphasis on open and transparent governance.
Despite the Cambodian government’s frequent praise of China’s development role, it is the people who bear the brunt of the side effects. Ordinary Cambodians often experience the downsides of Chinese investments first-hand – land-grabbing or even corruption issues – leading to a sense of disenfranchisement with the relationship. Once again, this directly contradicts Xi’s vision of a harmonious society where development benefits all citizens.
Cambodia’s
Prime Minister Hun Manet, right, with China’s new Ambassador to Cambodia Wang Wenbin during a meeting at the Peace Palace in Phnom Penh on 22 July 2024 (AFP via Getty Images)
The same survey highlights the urgent need for both China and Cambodia to prioritise transparency and engage more openly with local communities. China’s approach emphasises a “whole-process people’s democracy”, which necessitates an inclusive approach to development projects, ensuring that the people’s voices are heard and their concerns addressed. As China’s influence expands across the region, addressing these concerns is crucial for fostering long-term trust.
Cambodian ambivalence mirrors a broader global trend. A 2024 Pew Research Centre survey found that 76% of respondents across 24 countries believe China does not consider the interests of other nations in its foreign policy. Even in countries where Chinese investments are substantial, concerns remain about whether these initiatives genuinely benefit local communities or primarily serve China’s strategic and economic interests. This erosion of trust undermines China’s call for a more equitable and just international order.
In addition to high-profile investments, China’s approach to youth engagement in Cambodia further exemplifies this disconnect. While Beijing has invested in youth initiatives, these efforts remain largely elite-focused. The establishment of the Youth House for Cambodia-China Friendship, for instance, primarily involved members of the Cambodian ruling party’s youth wing, excluding broader segments of the population. Such initiatives fail to connect with most Cambodian youth, who often feel excluded from elite circles – a clear deviation from the principles of inclusive growth advocated by China itself.
This elite-centric approach extends beyond youth initiatives. China’s recently appointed ambassador to Cambodia, while focusing on strengthening ties with political leaders and the Chinese diaspora, has so far shown minimal engagement with grassroots organisations, civil societies, and youth groups outside elite networks. This falls short of the spirit of China’s foreign policy thinking that emphasises the importance of connecting with the people at all levels of society.
To win over the Cambodian population and align its actions with its principles, Beijing must fundamentally rethink its strategy. Given its substantial investments in infrastructure and BRI projects in Cambodia, China’s reputation should ideally surpass that of nations such as Japan and the United States, which, despite providing less financial aid, enjoy a more positive reception. This suggests a disconnect between investment levels and public views, highlighting the need for initiatives that directly serve and meet the skill demands of Cambodia’s youth, who represent the demographic majority. Infrastructure investments, while essential, should not come at the expense of local communities, environmental sustainability, and local resilience capacities. If China’s projects fail to demonstrably benefit ordinary Cambodians and improve their skills, they risk reinforcing the perception that China’s involvement is purely transactional, driven by profit rather than partnership – a direct contradiction of Xi’s emphasis on mutual benefit and shared prosperity.
China’s long-term success in Cambodia hinges on building a more inclusive relationship that addresses the concerns of ordinary people. More inclusive cultural exchanges and public forums, going beyond high-level engagement, can demonstrate China's respect for Cambodia’s unique aspirations. This would help counterbalance negative perceptions arising from the environmental and social consequences of some Chinese businesses' operations.
Only by aligning its actions with its rhetoric can China foster a trustworthy and enduring partnership with Cambodia and beyond. This will help reshape China’s image from a profit-driven investor to a true development partner, especially when trust in its intentions is fragile.
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of his affiliations.
Cambodian ambivalence mirrors a broader global trend. A 2024 Pew Research Centre survey found that 76% of respondents across 24 countries believe China does not consider the interests of other nations in its foreign policy. Even in countries where Chinese investments are substantial, concerns remain about whether these initiatives genuinely benefit local communities or primarily serve China’s strategic and economic interests. This erosion of trust undermines China’s call for a more equitable and just international order.
In addition to high-profile investments, China’s approach to youth engagement in Cambodia further exemplifies this disconnect. While Beijing has invested in youth initiatives, these efforts remain largely elite-focused. The establishment of the Youth House for Cambodia-China Friendship, for instance, primarily involved members of the Cambodian ruling party’s youth wing, excluding broader segments of the population. Such initiatives fail to connect with most Cambodian youth, who often feel excluded from elite circles – a clear deviation from the principles of inclusive growth advocated by China itself.
China’s long-term success in Cambodia hinges on building a more inclusive relationship that addresses the concerns of ordinary people.
This elite-centric approach extends beyond youth initiatives. China’s recently appointed ambassador to Cambodia, while focusing on strengthening ties with political leaders and the Chinese diaspora, has so far shown minimal engagement with grassroots organisations, civil societies, and youth groups outside elite networks. This falls short of the spirit of China’s foreign policy thinking that emphasises the importance of connecting with the people at all levels of society.
To win over the Cambodian population and align its actions with its principles, Beijing must fundamentally rethink its strategy. Given its substantial investments in infrastructure and BRI projects in Cambodia, China’s reputation should ideally surpass that of nations such as Japan and the United States, which, despite providing less financial aid, enjoy a more positive reception. This suggests a disconnect between investment levels and public views, highlighting the need for initiatives that directly serve and meet the skill demands of Cambodia’s youth, who represent the demographic majority. Infrastructure investments, while essential, should not come at the expense of local communities, environmental sustainability, and local resilience capacities. If China’s projects fail to demonstrably benefit ordinary Cambodians and improve their skills, they risk reinforcing the perception that China’s involvement is purely transactional, driven by profit rather than partnership – a direct contradiction of Xi’s emphasis on mutual benefit and shared prosperity.
China’s long-term success in Cambodia hinges on building a more inclusive relationship that addresses the concerns of ordinary people. More inclusive cultural exchanges and public forums, going beyond high-level engagement, can demonstrate China's respect for Cambodia’s unique aspirations. This would help counterbalance negative perceptions arising from the environmental and social consequences of some Chinese businesses' operations.
Only by aligning its actions with its rhetoric can China foster a trustworthy and enduring partnership with Cambodia and beyond. This will help reshape China’s image from a profit-driven investor to a true development partner, especially when trust in its intentions is fragile.
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of his affiliations.
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